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The Inapplicability of Non-Muslim Rule, a Qur’anic Perspective | عدم جواز ولاية غير المسلمين….التوجيه القرائي للقرآن

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By Ali Mabrouk

Professor Mabrouk examines the broad, semantic use of the terms islām/muslim in the Qur’an (eg. 3:19; 31:22) and argues that they apply to followers of all prophets and no one particular prophet. He also distinguishes it from the narrower, popular use of those terms in subsequent history to include only followers of Muhammad alone. Favoring the latter over the former, as is the case today, abandons the Qur’an’s original intent behind the terms, and it has created serious political problems. (EE)

(flickr.com)

(flickr.com)

إذا كان المقال السابق قد كشف عن الحضور الطاغي لفعل القراءة، حتى في حال إكتفاء المرء بمجرد ترديد “آيات” القرآن، فإنه يلزم التأكيد على أن القرآن يصبح، عبر هذا الفعل، موضوعاً لضروبٍ من التوجيه (الناعمة والغليظة) التي لا تكون– في غالب الأحوال– موضوعاً لوعي الممارسين لها. ويتحقق هذا التوجيه ليس فقط عبر إنطاق وإسكات دلالات بعينها ينطوي عليها القرآن، بل وعبر ما يبدو وكأنه إبدال الدلالات التي فرضها “التاريخ” بتلك التي يتضمنها “القرآن“. ولعل مثالاً على هذا الضرب الأخير من التوجيه، الذي يجري فيه إستبدال دلالة التاريخ بدلالة القرآن، يأتي من قراءة آية قرآنية تنشغل بتعيين معنى المسلم والإسلام، وبما لذلك من تعلُّقٍ مباشر بمسألة “عدم جواز ولاية غير المسلمين“؛ وأعني بها قوله تعالى: “إن الدين عند الله الإسلام“. فالدلالة المستقرة، في وعي الجمهور، للآية تنبني على أن معنى “الإسلام” ينصرف إلى ذلك الدين الذي إبتُعِثَ به النبي الكريم (محمد عليه السلام)؛ وبما لابد أن يترتب على ذلك من أن المسلمين هم– وفقط– أتباع هذا النبي الكريم. ولسوء الحظ، فإن هذه الدلالة التي إستقرت، في وعي الجمهور، للفظتي “إسلام/مسلمين“، تمثل تضييقاً أو حتى نكوصاً عن الدلالة التي يقصد إليها القرآن خلال إستخدامه لكلتا اللفظتين. بل إن إختباراً لهذا الإستخدام القرآني يكشف عن أن هذه الدلالة المستقرة للفظتي “إسلام/مسلمين” تكاد أن تكون قد تبلورت– وتطورت– خارج القرآن، على نحو شبه كامل. وإذن، فإنها تبدو أقرب ما تكون إلى الدلالة الإصطلاحية، التي تمتزج فيها المقاصد الواعية وغير الواعية لمن إصطلحوا عليها؛ وعلى النحو الذي تعكس فيه عناصر تجربتهم التاريخية، ولو كان ذلك على حساب القرآن ذاته. وضمن هذا السياق بالذات، فإن التمييز يبدو ملحوظاً، لا تخطئه عين القارئ المدقق، بين هذه الدلالة الإصطلاحية، وبين الدلالة السيمانطقية التي تغلب على التداول القرآني لكلتا اللفظتين.

فإذ تنبني الدلالة الإصطلاحية على صرف معنى لفظة “مسلمين“، مثلاً، إلى أتباع النبي محمد (صلعم) فحسب، فإن الدلالة السيمانطقية، الغالبة على الإستخدام القرآني لتلك اللفظة ذاتها، لا تقصر المعنى على هؤلاء فقط، بل تتسع به ليشمل غيرهم من أتباع الأنبياء السابقين أيضاً. وهكذا، فإن اللفظة “مسلمون/مسلمين” قد وردت، في القرآن، حوالي ستٍ وثلاثين مرة، إنطوت فيها، في الأغلب، على دلالة تسليم المرء وجهه لله، من دون أن يكون ذلك مقروناً بإتباع نبيٍ من الأنبياء بعينه. بل إن بعض الآيات يستخدم لفظة “مسلمون/مسلمين“، صراحة، للإشارة إلى من هم من غير أتباع النبي محمد (صلعم). ومن ذلك، مثلاً، إشارته إلى بني يعقوب بإعتبارهم من المسلمين؛ وذلك في قوله تعالى: “أم كنتم شهداء إذ حضر يعقوب الموت، إذ قال لبنيه: ما تعبدون من بعدي، قالوا نعبد إلهك وإله آبائك إبراهيم وإسماعيل وإسحق إلهاً واحداً ونحن له مسلمون” البقرة: 133. والحق أن المرء يكاد يلحظ أن القرآن يكاد، على العموم، أن يصرف دلالة اللفظة إلى فعل “التسليم لله“، وذلك فيما تلح الدلالة الإصطلاحية على صرف الدلالة إلى فعل “الإتباع لنبيٍ” من أنبياء الله بالذات. وتبعاً لذلك، فإنه إذا كان غير المسلم هو– بحسب دلالة الإصطلاح المستقرة، في وعي الجمهور– كل من لا يتبع دين النبي محمد (صلعم)، فإنه، وبحسب الدلالة المتداولة في القرآن، هو كل من لا يُسلِم وجهه لله؛ وبما لابد أن يترتب على ذلك من أن كل من يُسلِم وجهه لله حقاً، هو من المسلمين، حتى ولو لم يكن متبعاً لدين النبي الخاتم. وإذ يفتح ذلك الباب أمام إدخال البعض ممن يُقال أنهم من غير المسلمين إلى دين الإسلام، إبتداءاً من تسليمهم الوجه لله، فإنه سوف يفتحه بالمثل أمام إخراج الكثيرين ممن يُقال أنهم من المسلمين، من دين الإسلام، لأنهم لا يعرفون الإسلام بما تسليم الوجه لله، بل بما هو قناعٌ لتسليم الناس– أو حتى إستسلامهم– لهم، بدلاً من الله. فإنه إذا كان القصد من تسليم الناس وجوههم لله وحده، هو تحريرهم من الخضوع لكل آلهة الأرض الزائفة، فإن ما يجري من تحويل الدين إلى قناعٍ لإستعباد الناس وتيسير السيطرة عليهم لا يمكن أن يكون من قبيل الإسلام أبداً. إن ذلك يعني أن التحول من الدلالة القرآنية للفظة “مسلمين“، التي يعني فيها الإسلام “تسليم الوجه لله“، إلى الدلالة التاريخية التي تقصر المعنى على أتباع النبي محمد عليه السلام، فحسب، يؤشر على تزايد التعامل مع الإسلام كآداة للسيطرة على العباد، وذلك على حساب ما أراده الله له من أن يكون طريقاً لتحريرهم جميعاً من كل ضروب الطغيان والإستعباد. ولعل ذلك يكشف عن عدم إنضباط مفهوم “غير المسلم“؛ وأعني من حيث تبقى المسافة قائمة بين المعنى الذي يصرفه إليه “القرآن” من أنه “من لا يُسلِم وجهه لله“، وبين المعنى الذي فرضه عليه “التاريخ” من أنه “من لا يتبع نبوة محمد عليه السلام“. وبالطبع فإنه لا مجال للإحتجاج بأن معنى الإسلام، بما هو تسليم الوجه لله، قد تحقق على الوجه الأكمل مع نبوة النبي الخاتم (محمد عليه السلام)، فإن القرآن يتضمن بين جنباته ما يزحزح هذا الإعتقاد؛ وذلك حين يمضي إلى أن ثمة من اليهود والنصارى والصابئة من يتشارك مع المؤمنين بنبوة محمد عليه السلام في تسليم الوجه لله حقاً، وأنهم– لذلك– “لهم أجرهم عند ربهم…ولا خوفٌ عليهم ولا هم يحزنون“. إذ يقول تعالى: “إن الذين آمنوا (يعني بمحمد) والذين هادوا والنصارى والصابئين من آمن بالله واليوم الآخر وعمل صالحاً فلهم أجرهم عند ربهم…البقرة: 62″. وهكذا فإن القرآن لا يقصر معنى الإسلام بما هو “تسليم الوجه لله“- حتى بعد إبتعاث النبي محمد عليه السلام– على المؤمنين بنبوته فحسب، بل إنه يتسع به ليشمل غيرهم أيضاً. وغنيٌّ عن البيان أن ذلك يرتبط بحقيقة أن مدار تركيز القرآن هو على فعل “تسليم الوجه لله وحده“، وليس على الباب الذي يتحقق من خلاله هذا الفعل، وحتى على فرض أن القرآن يمضي إلى أن الباب الأكمل لتحقق هذا الفعل هو باب النبي محمد عليه السلام، فإنه لم يدحض إمكان تحققه من غير هذا الباب أيضاً.

يبدو، إذن، أن التاريخ، وليس القرآن، هو ما يقف وراء تثبيت الدلالة المستقرة للآية القرآنية “إن الدين عند الله الإسلام“، وهو ما يدرك من يستدعي هذه الآية أنه سيلعب دوراً حاسماً في توجيه المُتلقين لها إلى إنتاج ذات الدلالة المستقرة. وهو يدرك أيضاً أن إثارة المعنى السيمانطيقي المتداول في القرآن للفظة “إسلام” سيؤدي، لا محالة، إلى زحزحة الدلالة التي قام التاريخ بترسيخها، ومن هنا أنه يسكت عنه تماماً، رغم ما يبدو من ظهوره الجلي في القرآن. فهل يدرك المتلاعبون سياسياً بالإسلام أنهم ينحازون للتاريخ على حساب القرآن؟

* This blog post was first published in Al-Ahram, September 20, 2012. It can also be found on Professor Mabrouk’s website here.

© International Qur’anic Studies Association, 2013. All rights reserved.

Upcoming Colloquia in the UK

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Thanks to Nicolai Sinai and Mehdi Azaiez

Islamic Studies Colloquium

CLAIMING TRADITION: MODERN REREADINGS OF THE CLASSICAL ISLAMIC HERITAGE


Organisers: Elisabeth Kendall, Ahmad Khan, Christopher Melchert, Nicolai Sinai
Venue: Pembroke College, Oxford. OX1 1DW
Date: 27-28 September 2013

Both the resurgence of Islamist politics and the political, social, and intellectual upheaval accompanying the Arab Spring challenge us to reconsider the interplay between the pre-modern Islamic tradition and modern proponents of continuity, reform, and change in the Muslim world. The colloquium therefore invites scholars with an in-depth knowledge of the classical Islamicate heritage to explore modern texts that stake out some sort of claim to pre-modern traditions in disciplines as diverse as Islamic law, hadith, Qur’anic exegesis, politics, and literature. The colloquium will encourage specialists to embark on a hermeneutically sophisticated exercise that avoids some of the extremes to which an examination of how the classical heritage functions in the modern Islamic world has often been subjected. The colloquium aims to move beyond works that contain the tacit assumption that modern Muslims are subconsciously steered by the Islamic tradition, without exerting any sort of agency or control over it, and studies that suggest that modern Muslim thinkers arbitrarily distort elements of the tradition to which they lay claim. Instead, we invite scholars to consider modern re-appropriations of pre-modern concepts, texts, persons, and events, and thereby to transcend an increasing bifurcation between classical and contemporary Islamic studies.

Participants:

Carole Hillenbrand (University of Edinburgh), Robert Gleave (University of Exeter), Christopher Melchert (University of Oxford), Ahmad Khan (University of Oxford), Nicolai Sinai (University of Oxford), Islam Dayeh (Freie Universitat Berlin), Karen Bauer (Institute of Ismaili Studies), Elisabeth Kendall (University of Oxford), Marilyn Booth (University of Edinburgh), Jon Hoover (University of Nottingham), Christian Lange (Utrecht University)

Acknowledgement:

This colloquium has been made possible thanks to the generosity of Brian Wilson, a long-standing benefactor of Arabic studies at Pembroke.

Registration:

Attendance is free, but attendees must register by 16 September at ahmad.khan@pmb.ox.ac.uk

For more information, please visit here.

Ms. mehdi-azaiez.org

Ms. mehdi-azaiez.org

Fragmentation and Compilation : The Making of Religious Texts in Islam A Comparative Perspective II (30 septembre – 1er octobre)

Workshop
30 September–1 October 2013
The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London
2nd Floor, Room 2.3

Convenor : Asma Hilali

Abstracts

Fragmentation and Variation in the First Islamic Graffiti (1st–2nd century AH)
Frédéric Imbert, Aix-Marseille University, France

The latest research in the field of Islamic graffiti in the first two centuries AH in the Middle East is uncovering new information about Muslim society at the dawn of Islam. Most of this information concerns the Islamic faith, the place of the Qur’an and the figure of the Prophet Muhammad, but the oldest graffiti also allow us to reflect on the status of writing during the same period. Thousands of Arabic Kufic graffiti recently discovered in Saudi Arabia and in the wider Middle East reflect an extreme fragmentation due to the quantity of inscriptions scattered all over the area. These Arabic graffiti, which were not subjected to any kind of censorship, are the expression of variation and repetition at the same time : variation of the Qur’anic text and of the attitude of people towards the new religion and the Prophet, and repetition of the religious prayers and invocations. The picture of early Islam emanating from the first Islamic graffiti is one of fragmentation.

Repetitions and Variations, and the Problem of ‘Qur’anic Variants’
Asma Hilali, The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, UK

The field of Qur’anic Studies has been greatly influenced by the medieval reception of the Qur’an text manifested in the exegetical literature and by the theories related to the ‘Qur’anic variants’. The concept of ‘Qur’anic variants’ is deeply rooted in the history of the canonisation of the Qur’an and in the various assumptions made about scribal errors and falsification. My paper will provide a critique of the conceptual tools used in Qur’anic Studies in the last two decades and will propose a new perspective in the study of the textual features interpreted by the medieval and modern scholars as ‘Qur’anic variants’. The new perspective takes the fragmented aspect of the text to be inseparable from the history of its transmission.

Fragmentation, Compilation and Discourse : A Comparison of Three Arbaʿūn Collections on Jihād and Martyrdom Compiled in the Late Mamluk Period
Stephen Burge, The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, UK

This paper examines the ways in which hadith scholars went about compiling hadith collections by undertaking a comparative analysis of three similar works written in the same period. The three collections are all arbaʿūn collections – short collections of around forty hadith – which focus on the themes of jihād and martyrdom. The three studied are Suyuti’s Abwāb al-suʿadāʾ fī asbāb al-shuhadāʾ (‘The Gates of the Lucky in the Occasions of Martyrdom’) and his Arbaʿūn ḥadīthan fī faḍl al-jihād (‘Forty Hadith on the Merits of Jihad’) and al-Biqāʿī’s Dhayl al-istishhād bi-āyāt al-jihād (‘The Appendix to Martyrdom in the Verses on Jihād’). I will argue that by closely analysing the material included and excluded from a hadith collection, as well as the ways in which the hadith have been arranged, it is possible to gain a deeper understanding of particular nuances within a text in which a compiler does not give his views openly to his reader. This paper will argue that the ‘hadith literature’ contains a vast, almost infinite, body of texts and the job of the hadith compiler is to fragment this wider body of texts, to reconstitute them, and then to arrange them in order to provide a specific discourse on a subject. This process can be seen in the different ways the three works under consideration in this paper respond to the subjects of jihād and martyrdom.

The Qur’an’s Fragmentation and Realignment of Gospel and Talmud
Holger Zellentin, The University of Nottingham, UK

The unique ways in which the Qur’an ‘heard’ select stories from the Aramaic Gospel tradition has been considered by generations of scholars. Yet, only the most rudimentary consensus has been established about the nature of the texts with which the Qur’an’s audience was familiar, let alone the ways in which the Qur’an used these texts. The Qur’an’s utilisation of Talmudic material has received even less attention, and a consensus is even more remote. The present paper seeks to advance, one small step, our understanding of the deployment of both corpora in the Qur’an by considering them jointly. More than occasionally, the Qur’an fragments and realigns demonstrable elements of the (likely oral) Gospel and the Talmudic traditions together in order to solidify its claim of being a correction to the shortcomings of both.

Unity and Fragmentation in the Standard Text of the Qur’an : The Prophet as First Addressee and Dialogic Argumentation. Mehdi Azaiez, CNRS/IREMAM, FRANCE

As defined in discourse analysis, first addressee (or interlocutor) is the person involved in a conversation or dialogue. The figure of the Qur’an’s first addressee is a textual phenomenon linked to the structure of the text and its argumentative dimension. In my contribution, I will define the notion of the first addressee in the Qur’an, its linguistic forms and functions within the entire Qur’an. I will explore the following questions : The variety of the notions of ‘the first addressee’ ; the double aspect of fragmentation/unity of text after its collection and the role of the first addressee in the argumentative shape of the text. My contribution aims to show (i) how the dialogic relation between a Qur’anic enunciator and its first addressee reveals one of the main aspects of Qur’anic argumentation ; (ii) how the Qur’an legitimates the status of its first addressee as a prophet.

Programme

Day 1 : Monday, 30 September 2013

12:00 Arrival of speakers at hotel and lunch

14:00 Welcome
Asma Hilali, The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London

14:00–16:00 Session 1 : Qur’anic Studies : From a Fragmentary Approach to an Approach about Fragmentation

Speakers : Stephen Burge, The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London
Asma Hilali, The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London
Holger Zellentine, The University of Nottingham

Discussant : Prof. Aziz al-Azmeh

This session will examine the state of the field of Qur’anic Studies. It will cover the following topics :
(i) Qur’anic manuscripts : A tool or an aim ?
(ii) Intertextuality : Methodological remarks
(iii) Fragmentation/Compilation perspectives on the Qur’an text in the context of the history of its transmission.

16:00 Break

16:20–17:50 Session 2 : Variation and Repetition in Qur’anic Texts

Chair : Holger Zellentin

Fragmentation and Variation in the First Islamic Graffiti (1st–2nd century AH)
Frédéric Imbert, Aix-Marseille University

Repetitions and Variations, and the Problem of ‘Qur’anic Variants’
Asma Hilali, The Institute of Ismaili Studies

19:00 : Speakers’ Dinner

Day 2 : Tuesday, 1st October 2013

9:00–11:00 Session 3 : Comparative Perspectives

Chair : Mehdi Azaiez, University of Notre Dame, Indiana

Fragmentation, Compilation and Discourse : A Comparison of Three Arba’un Collections on Jihad and Martyrdom Compiled in the Late Mamluk Period
Stephen Burge, The Institute of Ismaili Studies

The Qur’an’s Fragmentation and Realignment of Gospel and Talmud
Holger Zellentine, The University of Nottingham

Unity and Fragmentation in the Standard Text of the Qur’an : The Prophet as First Addressee and the Dialogic Argumentation
Mehdi Azaiez, LabexResmed, Paris

11:00 General Discussion

12:00 Speakers’ Lunch

For more information, please visit here.

© International Qur’anic Studies Association, 2013. All rights reserved.

Our New Look

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By Emran El-Badawi and Gabriel Reynolds

Our newly designed website is now online, and we hope visitors find it practical, as well as elegant. A number of helpful improvements were made, including translating the “About Us” page into Arabic, Turkish, Bhasa and French. Translations into further languages will soon follow. We hope this to be of most benefit to visitors who access our website from around the world.

http

A number of graphical enhancements were made throughout the web pages, including our new logo. We are also happy to share photographs of IQSA’s officers and steering committee under “People.” That being said, the overall platform of our web platform remains relatively unchanged. Visitors will be notified when the “Conference Papers” page starts being populated.

We hope to make further changes to our website in 2014, which will include setting up the architecture to host IQSA’s online journal. Until then, visitors should await further news about the 2014 annual meeting in San Diego, as well as future international meetings. Our thanks go to Mehdi Azaiez, Mun’im Sirri, Esra Tasdelen and Leanova Designs.

© International Qur’anic Studies Association, 2013. All rights reserved.

Partial taping on kalāla in one early muṣḥaf

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By Daniel Brubaker

The earliest Qur’āns represent a tangible anchor to the early history of Islam. Some of the manuscripts we have today are very early, in one case having been radiocarbon-dated with 99.2% probability to 675.5 AD or earlier.[1]  In my forthcoming doctoral dissertation, I explore the range and types of scribal change that exist in eleven early Qur’āns or groups of manuscripts, including some discussion of the type of textual treatment I mention below.

SOURCE: Tayyar Altıkulaç, Al-Mushaf Al-Sharif Attributed to Uthman Bin Affān: The Copy at Al-Mashhad Al-Husayni in Cairo / Edited by Tayyar Altıkulaç; Foreward by Halit Eren.-- Critical Ed., 2 vols. (Istanbul: Organisation of the Islamic Conference Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture (IRCICA), 2009). 148.

SOURCE: Tayyar Altıkulaç, Al-Mushaf Al-Sharif Attributed to Uthman Bin Affān: The Copy at Al-Mashhad Al-Husayni in Cairo / Edited by Tayyar Altıkulaç; Foreward by Halit Eren.– Critical Ed., 2 vols. (Istanbul: Organisation of the Islamic Conference Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture (IRCICA), 2009). 148.

The monumental and early Cairo muṣḥaf al-sharīf  (recently published in facsimile by IRCICA, ISBN 9789290631972, 2vol.)[2] contains in places what appears to be tape covering lines or portions of text. The purpose of this tape is unclear; one possibility related to me recently is that it may have been applied to strengthen the pages at points where overly-acidic ink had eaten through the page.[3]

On page 147 (verso), there is a single instance: the last word of line 7, kalāla of Q4:176, has been taped over in this way. There is no damage to the page evident from the facsimile on the reverse side of the page.

This particular taping has left exposed the tops of the upward-extending letters, namely, the two presumed lams and the upper tip of the presumed ta’ marbuta.  This codex is written with formal and evenly spaced letter forms most similar to those of Déroche’s B.II category.[4]

An interesting feature here is that the space between what appear to be the first and second lam is at least ten times the standard spacing between consecutive lams throughout the pages of this manuscript written by this scribe. There are two other instances of consecutive lams on this page; both are consistent with the standard spacing, which maintains a distance between consecutive lams of about one-third to one-half the width of the nib.

The kalāla of 4:176 is one of two instances of the word kalāla in the Qur’ān; the other is at verse 12 of the same sura. The word kalāla at 4:12 of this muṣḥaf (page 102 verso, possibly the work of a different scribe) is intact and original. The distance between its lams is slightly more than one nib-width.

The overwriting of kalāla at Q4:12 in BNF 328a has been noted by David Powers and forms a basis for his theory concerning the development of the doctrines of inheritance and adoption.[5] The possibility exists that what is under this tape could shed further light on Powers’ theory.

This type of taping is rare in Qur’ān manuscripts.  I have encountered it so far in only one other codex, the Sana‘ā’ muṣḥaf al-sharīf, also available in a quality facsimile edition from IRCICA (ISBN 9789290632351).[6]  The taping, unlike most scribal corrections found in the earliest Qur’ān manuscripts, appears to be a relatively modern phenomenon, perhaps within the last two-three centuries.

I was received warmly and hospitably at IRCICA in Istanbul by its Director, Dr. Halit Eren in November 2011. Dr. Eren was gracious and pleased to see scholarly interest in these early Qur’āns. In the days following my visit, I noted with curiosity the existence of these taped portions throughout this facsimile, which I had obtained from IRCICA on that trip, but did not have the opportunity to look more closely at that time. More recently, I have inquired of IRCICA about the taping in this muṣḥaf; whether the experts there know when it may have occurred or by whom, as well as whether the text underneath is known to be intact.

In addition to the two maṣāḥif mentioned above, two other early monumental Qur’ān codices have recently been published in facsimile editions by IRCICA and ISAM:

Topkapi muṣḥaf al-sharīf (ISBN 9789290631675)[7]

Istanbul muṣḥaf al-sharīf, (ISBN 9789753895231)[8]

These manuscripts are treasures and scholars working in early history of the written Qur’ān will want to be aware of them.

DANIEL A. BRUBAKER, RICE UNIVERSITY

[1] Benham Sadeghi and Uwe Bergmann, “The Codex of a Companion of the Prophet and the Qur’ān of the Prophet,” Arabica LVII, no. 4 (2010): 353.

[2] Tayyar Altıkulaç, Al-Mushaf Al-Sharif Attributed to Uthman Bin Affān: The Copy at Al-Mashhad Al-Husayni in Cairo / Edited by Tayyar Altıkulaç; Foreward by Halit Eren.– Critical Ed., 2 vols. (Istanbul: Organisation of the Islamic Conference Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture (IRCICA), 2009).

[3] Dr. Keith E. Small, from his personal conversation with Prof. Déroche

[4] François Déroche, The Abbasid Tradition : Qur’ans of the 8th to the 10th Centuries Ad, ed. Julian Raby, The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art (London: Nour Foundation, 1992). 38-39.

[5] David S. Powers, Muḥammad Is Not the Father of Any of Your Men (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009).

[6] Tayyar Altıkulaç, Hz. Ali’ye Nisbet Edilen Mushaf-I Şerîf: San’â Nüshası / Yayına Hazırlayan Tayyar Altıkulaç; Önsöz Halit Eren.– İncelemel Bs. (Istanbul: IRCICA, 2011).

[7] Tayyar Altıkulaç, Al-Muṣḥaf Al-Sharif Attributed to Uthmān Bin Affān: The Copy at the Topkapı Palace Museum / Prepared for Publication by Tayyar Altıkulaç; Translated into Arabic by Salih Sadawi and into English by Semiramis Çavoşoğlu; Preface by Ekmeleddin İhsanoğl; Forward by Halit Eren.– Critical Ed. (Istanbul: Organisation of the Islamic Conference Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture (IRCICA), 2007).

[8] Tayyar Altıkulaç, Hz. Osman’a Nisbet Edilen Mushaf-I Şerîf (Türk Ve İslâ Eserleri Müsezi Nüshası), 2 vols. (Istanbul: ISAM, 2007).

REFERENCES

Altıkulaç, Tayyar. Al-Muṣḥaf Al-Sharif Attributed to Uthmān Bin Affān: The Copy at the Topkapı Palace Museum / Prepared for Publication by Tayyar Altıkulaç; Translated into Arabic by Salih Sadawi and into English by Semiramis Çavoşoğlu; Preface by Ekmeleddin İhsanoğl; Forward by Halit Eren.– Critical Ed. Istanbul: Organisation of the Islamic Conference Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture (IRCICA), 2007.

________. Hz. Osman’a Nisbet Edilen Mushaf-I Şerîf (Türk Ve İslâ Eserleri Müsezi Nüshası). 2 vols. Istanbul: ISAM, 2007.

________. Al-Mushaf Al-Sharif Attributed to Uthman Bin Affān: The Copy at Al-Mashhad Al-Husayni in Cairo / Edited by Tayyar Altıkulaç; Foreward by Halit Eren.– Critical Ed. 2 vols. Istanbul: Organisation of the Islamic Conference Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture (IRCICA), 2009.

________. Hz. Ali’ye Nisbet Edilen Mushaf-I Şerîf: San’â Nüshası / Yayına Hazırlayan Tayyar Altıkulaç; Önsöz Halit Eren.– İncelemel Bs. Istanbul: IRCICA, 2011.

Déroche, François. The Abbasid Tradition : Qur’ans of the 8th to the 10th Centuries Ad The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, Edited by Julian Raby. London: Nour Foundation, 1992.

Powers, David S. Muḥammad Is Not the Father of Any of Your Men. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009.

Sadeghi, Benham, and Uwe Bergmann. “The Codex of a Companion of the Prophet and the Qur’ān of the Prophet.” Arabica LVII, no. 4 (2010): 93.

© International Qur’anic Studies Association, 2013. All rights reserved.

The Qurʾān, A New Annotated Translation, by A. J. Droge

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Equinox recently published a new translation and annotation of the Qur’an which has attracted considerable interest and which may become a useful textbook in the field of Islamic Studies. Details on the book and an option to order can be found on the book home page. Customers in North American can order directly from Equinox’s US distributor, here.

(With thanks to Equinox Publishing Ltd)

(With thanks to Equinox Publishing Ltd)

Book Description*

This new, annotated translation of the Qur’ān is specifically designed to meet the needs of students of religion, and provides them with a one-volume resource comparable to what is available for the Jewish and Christian scriptures. The meticulously crafted translation affords readers not only a better sense of what the Qur’ān says, but how it says it, in a rendition that strives to remain faithful to the way it was originally expressed. Accompanying the translation is an extensive set of annotations. These are keyed to the text for ready reference, and divided according to their boldface topical headings at the bottom of each page. The annotations offer a wealth of linguistic and historical detail to enhance the understanding and appreciation of the text. They also contain abundant references to parallel passages within the Qur’ān, as well as comparatively among the ‘scriptures’ of Judaism and Christianity. With an introduction, map, timeline, guide to further reading, and comprehensive index, this is the edition of the Qur’ān all students of religion – beginning as well as advanced – will want to possess for their exploration of Islam’s central text.

The Author

A. J. Droge is the author of Homer or Moses? Early Christian Interpretations of the History of Culture and, with James Tabor, of A Noble Death: Suicide and Martyrdom among Christians and Jews in Antiquity. You can hear prof. Droge pesent at IQSA’s meeting in Baltimore.

* Accessed from the publisher’s product page.

© International Qur’anic Studies Association, 2013. All rights reserved.

Who is The Real Speaker?

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By Maryam Mosharraf

Numerous grammatical tropes and rhetorical mysteries of Sura al-Fatiha have always been a great point of interest. We are not going to take a grammar course however, we want to talk to God. But is there any real dialogue  with God in the seven verses of al-Fatiha which Muslims use in their daily prayer, if so, who is the real speaker? Many times I have asked my self, who is saying “In the Name of God?” Is God talking on behalf of His believers or even unbelievers? If so, is God swearing to His own name? It does not make sense! why on the other hand, are there no verbs here, what is that supposed to mean? Is that “Me” who is saying: “I should begin this or that job or task in the name of God?” Or, is this God who says: “ Read! Start! or Make love…however, do it in the Name of God?

(choralnet.org)

(choralnet.org)

What is supposed to fill this empty space of verbs and predicates? If there were a pronoun or adverb or any deictic indicating space and time in this verse, it would focus our minds on a more limited setting. Later in the same Sura, “Thee alone we worship and thee alone we ask for help” (Q 1:5), verbs and pronouns focus the reader’s attention automatically on the human act of serving God. In other words, in this way the mind of the reader/speaker accepts a kind of limitation and in this limitation s/he looks upon God. This confinement sets the ground for religious discipline which is of great importance in the spiritual life of any believer or within any religion. In this limitation the act of worship is manifested within the verb and pronoun.

Although the speaker’s point of view is inward here : ‘we’, it must be borne in mind that the real speaker is the one who intends to focus our minds on worship. So there is a hidden speaker here, who is trying to focus the reader’s words and mind on a certain act, on worship.

Such a limitation is not seen in the beginning verses, the mind and subjectivity are allowed to float in an unconfined space and feel free to call God in any form that the magnetism of desires would let it go. The phrase “in the Name of God” can be attached to anything, since it is detached from everything: beautifully free.

This freedom and mind suspension is applied in the next three verses of al-Fatiha where timelessness and boundlessness, plus the absence  of verbs creates an abstract mood which cannot be identified with anything save the Sacred. Here the speaker is free of any certain worldly affiliation. While in the following verses, the verbs direct the attention of the speaker towards the relationship between God and Humankind.

Thus, we face a double layered structure in al-Fatiha: in the first part (Q 1:1-4) we face a sense of detachment, a sense which in the second part (Q 1:5-7) turns into attachment. A binary structure: God versus/by side of Human.

Does this structure help us to understand who the real speaker is? Who is the one that focuses our mind by putting emphasis on the things He wills. In the first part, it is in fact God Himself, who speaks in behalf of the reader, and asks to be seen with His attribute of bounty. But at the same time He gives form to a hidden speaker beneath the words and the  style of phrases. This hidden speaker shapes another addressee, who is going to be God himself. The real speaker is the one who shapes this double structure;  A structure which shapes a dialogue, like a question and an answer, or a request and a reponse. So , based on this structure, the speaker is either God or Human. It is this ambiguity that gives the Sura an important peculiarity, according to which God speaks on behalf of Humankind and Humankind speaks in place of God.

© International Qur’anic Studies Association, 2013. All rights reserved.

Update – Public Lecture on Tuesday, July 9

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By Emran El-Badawi and Gabriel Reynolds

On April 9th we announced our first international meeting to be held in St. Andrews, Scotland this July. We would like to share with you an update concerning the public lecture on Tuesday, July 9th. Dr. Alain George–senior lecturer of Islamic Art at the University of Edinburgh–will do us the honor of delivering a talk “On an Early Qur’anic Palimpsest and its Stratigraphy: Cambridge Or. 1287.” Details can be found below.

Quran and Islamic Tradition in Comparative Perspective
Joint Session With: International Qur’anic Studies Association, Quran and Islamic Tradition in Comparative Perspective
7/09/2013
3:00 PM to 4:15 PM
Room: Auditorium – MBS (17)

Gabriel Said Reynolds, University of Notre Dame, Presiding

Alain George, University of Edinburgh
On an Early Qur’anic Palimpsest and its Stratigraphy: Cambridge Or. 1287 (45 min)

Break (5 min)

Discussion (25 min)

Alain George, Univ. Edinburgh

Alain George, Univ. Edinburgh

Alain George received his first degree from the London School of Economics before moving on to study Islamic Art at the University of Oxford, where he completed his Ph.D. in 2006. He was recently awarded a Philip Leverhulme Prize. His publications include The Rise of Islamic Calligraphy. London: Saqi Books (2010).

© International Qur’anic Studies Association, 2013. All rights reserved.

The Traditions on the Composition of ‘Uthmān’s muṣḥaf.

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By Viviane Comerro

Viviane Comerro is Professor of Islamic Studies at INALCO (Paris). This blog is a synopsis of its French book titled “Les traditions sur la composition du muṣḥaf de ‘Uthmān”, Orient-Institut Beirut, 2012

When and how did the Quran become a book? Even though paleography and codicology provide us with useful elements that shed light on this question, we should not overlook the study of Islamic literary sources which, through the diversity of their accounts on the writing of the Quran and the richness of their glosses on the Quranic text itself, remain bolder and more informed testimonies than any collection of manuscripts.

(ukaz.com.sa)

(ukaz.com.sa)

How should we address Islamic sources which provide us with numerous pieces of information on this issue? An initial historical approach based on the transmission of texts could lead us to follow the Ancients in their investigative endeavor by privileging the historical veracity of the version adopted by al-Bukhārī (d. 256/870) in his Ṣaḥīḥ.

A second, historical and critical approach has already achieved its full potential: drawing out a core that is common to the various versions of the account of the event so as to gain some certainty or extracting this historical core from its legendary, theological or ideological gangue.

Reflection upon the literary nature of sources that has developed alongside this approach has resulted in a transitory suspension of the “naively” historical approach. In fact, a tradition always provides the event and its interpretation as closely related. This is a khabar, information, as well as a hadith, an event set as an account. Thus, it is in taking into consideration the twofold nature of a tradition that I have read afresh the totality of the accounts on the writing of the Quran by paying very close attention to the variants and their meanings.

By placing back the received version of the event – the one Bukhārī kept in his Ṣaḥīh – in this totality, it appears as made up of several motifs that also exist in isolation as independent traditions. This version is therefore the result of a combination that selects some pieces of information while discarding others.

The author of this combination, or common link in the vernacular of the modern specialists of transmission, is Ibn Shihāb al-Zuhrī (d. 124/742), who certainly did not invent this story but combined different pieces of information on the writing of the Quran, as he did for other accounts.

Beyond this stage, the hadith of Zuhrī evolved even further since a version that is quite different from Bukhārī’s is to be found in the introduction to his Tafsīr by the great compiler of the 3rd century of Hegira, Ṭabarī (d. 310/923).

Apart from the issue of authenticity, wherever we place this version in the chain of transmission, what seems to matter is the reason why such a well-informed exegete as Tabarī chose this version of Zuhrī’s account rather than another one. This question led me to question Bukhārī’s stance and Ṭabarī’s regarding the status of Quranic recitation in the intellectual debates of their time. I came to the conclusion that, to some extent, the issue of the isnād was of secondary importance. What really matters is the content of each account.

For Ṭabarī, who claims that ‘Uthmān reduced the various recitations of the Quran to a single ḥarf in the official muṣḥaf, it is important to note that the Quranic text is not the result of a collection but the writing of a single man, Zayd b. Thābit.

For Bukhārī, it is important to take a stand in a critical debate of his time: that of the created or uncreated Quran, which goes on long after the end of the Miḥna by claiming that the writing of the Quran is created, in contrast with the Hanbali scholars.

Besides, the stance differs from one Ṣaḥīḥ to the other. Muslim (d. 261/875), Bukhārī’s contemporary, who frequented the same circles as him, apparently avoids to take a stand in this debate. Nowhere does he mention the account transmitted by al-Zuhrī. On the other hand, he mentions traditions on the various recitations of the Companions Ubayy, Ibn Mas‘ūd and Abū Mūsā. In this selection of information, one can detect a stand in another significant debate that lasted for centuries about the diversity of Quranic recitations theorized in the form of a prophetic hadith: Unzila l-qur’ān ‘alā sab‘ati ahruf. In this controversy, a stance became more and more a minority, yet it lasted for a long time: it was allowed to liturgically recite ancient qirā’āt, especially that of Ibn Mas‘ūd, due to the fact that the companions of the Prophet and the Successors did it, even though these “readings” were not in keeping with the ‘Uthmānian rasm. It seems that in the 3rd century, prior to Ibn Mujāhid’s reform, the traditionist Muslim was inclined to favor such a stance.

The discrepancies between the accounts about the writing of the Quran, which are already impressive regarding what comes from Zuhrī, are even more so when all the traditions are taken into consideration. They are so not only for the researcher who considers he should not side with the traditionists, now as in the past, but also because all these accounts excluded by the strict selection of the Ṣaḥīḥ reappear in the margin of a commentary or an argumentation by the early (or modern) authors among the most interested in orthodoxy.

Historical description is not the main goal of traditionists, who rather try to solve theological/juridical problems. The diversity of the accounts related to the writing of the Quran, which mostly took place under ‘Uthmān’s caliphate, could result from the traditionists’ worry about the composition of the muṣḥaf in an unfavorable historical context: a challenged caliphate in a time troubled by strong dissensions. The attested circulation of different maṣāḥif of the Quran, one of the sources of legitimacy and authority in the fullest sense of this dīn as the foundation of the new community, represented a danger for Medina’s power. After the historical situation changed, though it was never forgotten, the prime preoccupation concerned the conditions of transmission of the prophetic proclamation. The selection of the ḥarf of Zayd, a man related to ‘Uthmān, had not been consensual. And what to do with the maṣāḥif of Ubayy, Ibn Mas‘ūd, Abū Mūsā, Miqdād and others? Several responses to these unexpressed worries arose in the large corpus of narrative traditions on the writing of the Quran. I have suggested classifying these accounts according to the kind of solution they provided to ensure the faultless transmission of the muṣḥaf.

After this investigation in literary sources, it is to be noted that there is no received version of the writing of the muṣḥaf despite the status acquired by the Ṣaḥīḥ of Bukhārī and the repetition, book after book, century after century, of his hadith on the collection of the Quran, a “thing the Prophet had not done.” In this way, although a 12th century traditionist such as Abū Muḥammad Ḥusayn al-Baghawī reports Bukhārī’s account in his Sharḥ al-Sunna, in his commentary he carries out a rewriting of the event with the memory of other accounts. He claims that the composition of the muṣḥaf is an act involving the Companions as a collective actor of the ijmā‘: they are those who decided together with ‘Uthmān and those who wrote. This rewriting is as perceptible in the 15th century when al-Suyūṭī began his chapter of the Itqān devoted to the collection of the Quran by the blunt assertion that at the time of the Prophet’s death “the Quran had not been collected.” Throughout the text and in the conclusion of the chapter, it appears that the “thing the Prophet had not done” had in fact been accomplished since the muṣḥaf, organized as verses and suras, is exactly the same as that instituted by Muḥammad after the angel’s dictation.

In my book, I left the question of the writing of the Quran at the time of the Prophet open-ended owing to the scarcity of traditions that mention it. This question pertains to another kind of investigation on the oral/written composition of the Quranic text (Angelika Neuwirth) and could rest on the works of linguists and anthropologists dealing with orality and writing.

In conclusion, the study of traditions informs us on some crucial elements of the history of the text: the plasticity of its composition and oral transmission; the antiquity of its writing; the fixation of a model written under ‘Uthmān; its gradual canonization; the preservation of textual variants as a reflection of the original oral diversity and then the philologists’ interest; the parallel theologizing of the history of transmission.

Yet this study chiefly enables us to understand the Tradition that lends their full weight to the actors of transmission. Through selection, combination, additions or deletions, and when the text is permanently fixed in its letter, through their glosses, commentaries and interpretations, these actors contribute to the fluctuation in meaning in the preservation of religion.

Our Annual Meeting in Baltimore, MD (Full Schedule and Registration Details)

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By Emran El-Badawi and Gabriel Reynolds (With special thanks to Charles Haws)

The International Qur’anic Studies Association is happy to announce the full schedule of its first annual meeting, taking place in Baltimore, MD from November 22-24, 2013. You may recall our earlier announcement informing you about our exciting program for the first day. See the schedule below, but note that room assignments are still pending.

(baltimore.org)

(baltimore.org)

Given that this is IQSA’s inaugural meeting as well as the heightened public interest, the directors and steering committee have decided to make registration for to all IQSA panels on Friday Nov 22 (including the keynote lecture and response) free and open to the public. Those interested are further encouraged to attend IQSA panels on Saturday Nov 23 and Sunday Nov 24 by paying the registration fee of the Society of Biblical Literature – or –  American Academy of Religion. Finally, you are encouraged to subscribe to our blog in order to receive weekly news updates about our meetings, as well as informed posts on Qur’anic Studies today.

On behalf of the co-directors, steering committee and partners we thank you for your enthusiasm and support for IQSA.We look forward to seeing you in Baltimore!

International Qur’anic Studies Association
11/22/2013
1:30 PM to 4 PM
Room: Baltimore Convention Center – 345

Qur’an Manuscripts: Text, Object and Usage

Gabriel Reynolds, University of Notre Dame, Presiding

Keith Small, London School of Theology
Gems of the Bodleian: Qur’an Manuscripts at Oxford University (20 min)

Discussion (10 min)

Simon Rettig, Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery
Codicology versus History of Art? Rethinking the Visual Study of Qur’an Manuscripts (20 min)

Discussion (10 min)

Alasdair Watson, Bodleian Libraries
The King’s Mushafs: A Glimpse at Some of the Qur’ans from Tipu Sultan’s Royal Library (20 min)

Discussion (10 min)

Asma Hilali, Institute of Ismaili Studies
The Manuscript 27.1 DAM: Sacred Words and Words about the Sacred (20 min)

Discussion (10 min)

Break (30 min)

International Qur’anic Studies Association

11/22/2013

4:30 PM to 5:45 PM
Room: Baltimore Convention Center – 345

Keynote Lecture: Implausibility and Probability in Studies of Qur’anic Origins

Emran El-Badawi, University of Houston, Introduction (10 min)

Aziz Al-Azmeh, Central European University, Budapest, Panelist (45 min)

Jane McAuliffe, Bryn Mawr University, Respondent (20 min)

International Qur’anic Studies Association

11/23/2013
9:00 AM to 11:30 AM
Room: Hilton Baltimore Convention Center Hotel – Paca

Theme: Approaches and Theories on the Translation of the Qur’an

Helen Blatherwick, University of London, Presiding

Maria Dakake, George Mason University
The Original Soul and the “Womb” of Kinship: The Feminine and the Universal in Qur’an 4:1 (25 min)

A. J. Droge, Translator
Traduttore, Traditore? Revisiting Mr. Nabokov (25 min)

Devin J. Stewart, Emory University
The Translation of Divine Epithets in the Qur’an (25 min)

Omar Tarazi, Independent Scholar
Translating the Qur’an’s Aesthetic and Intellectual Features into Plain English (25 min)

Shawkat M. Toorawa, Cornell University
Translation and the Sad Fate of the Qur’an’s Most (?) Important Feature (25 min)

Discussion (25 min)

International Qur’anic Studies Association
11/23/2013
1:00 PM to 3:30 PM
Room: Marriott Baltimore Inner Harbor – Stadium Ballroom II

Theme: Qu’ran and Gender

Farid Esack, University of Johannesburg, Presiding

Juliane Hammer, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Equity, Equality, or Hierarchy: American Tafsir on Gender Roles in Marriage (20 min)

Discussion (10 min)

Kecia Ali, Boston University
Destabilizing Gender, Reproducing Maternity: Qur’anic Narratives of Mary (20 min)

Discussion (10 min)

Marion Holmes Katz, New York University
The Ethical Body and The Gendered Body In The Qur’an (20 min)

Discussion (10 min)

Hamza M. Zafer, University of Washington
The Sons (and Daughters) of Israel: Gender In Qur’anic Negotiations of Jewish Lineage (20 min)

Discussion (10 min)

Aziz al-Azmeh, Central European University, Respondent (10 min)

Discussion (20 min)

International Qur’anic Studies Association
Joint Session With: International Qur’anic Studies Association, Qur’an and Biblical Literature
11/23/2013
4:00 PM to 6:30 PM
Room: Marriott Baltimore Inner Harbor – Stadium Ballroom II

Michael Pregill, Elon University, Presiding

Michael Graves, Wheaton College (Illinois)
Kernel Texts and Prophetic Logia: Biblical and Quranic Scholarship in Dialogue (20 min)

David Penchansky, University of Saint Thomas (Saint Paul, MN)
Daughters of Deity in the Bible and the Quran (20 min)

Abdulla Galadari, University of Aberdeen
Begotten of God: A Quranic Interpretation of the Logos (20 min)

David Hollenberg, University of Oregon
Ships of Faith, Islands of Salvation: Stories of the Prophets as Intra-Sectarian Shi’ite Polemic (20 min)

Clare Wilde, University of Auckland
Quranic Echoes of the bnay qeyama (20 min)

Discussion (20 min)

Business Meeting (20 min)

International Qur’anic Studies Association
Joint Session With: International Qur’anic Studies Association, Qur’an and Biblical Literature
11/24/2013
1:00 PM to 3:30 PM
Room: Hilton Baltimore Convention Center Hotel – Johnson B

Theme: Modern Muslim Critics of Bible and Isra’iliyyat

Brannon Wheeler, United States Naval Academy, Presiding

Gabriel Said Reynolds, University of Notre Dame
Reading the Bible with Ahmad Deedat (20 min)

Michael Pregill, Elon University
Modern Critics of Isra’iliyyat and the Problem of Isma’ (20 min)

Younus Mirza, Allegheny College
Abridging the Isra’iliyyat: Shaykh Ahmad Shakir’s (d.1377/1958) Summary of Tafsir Ibn Kathir (20 min)

Roberto Tottoli, Universita degli Studi di Napoli l’Orientale
Isra’iliyyat: A Tool of Muslim Exegesis and Western Studies (20 min)

Discussion (20 min)

© International Qur’anic Studies Association, 2013. All rights reserved.

On the Qur’an and Authority | عن القرآن والسلطان

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By Ali Mabrouk*

In this article, professor Ali Mabrouk describes how the Qur’an was transformed from a text open to the full range of human inquiry and participation into an instrument of political authority by an elite. He describes how the Qur’an itself was subjected to the dispute between Sunni and Shi’a, and how the Umayyad and Abbasid Caliphs used the Qur’an to endow themselves with divine authority. This politicization made the text closed and its interpretation both fixed and absolute. Mabrouk argues that the first step in “re-opening” the Qur’an is de-politicizing it. (EE)

لم تترك السياسة شيئاً إلا وتلاعبت به، وقامت بتوجيهه لخدمة ما تريد وتشتهي؛ وإلى حد أن القرآن لم يفلت، على جلاله وتساميه، من هذا المصير. وبالطبع، فإنه يلزم التأكيد على أن هذا التلاعب لم يتحقق- على الرغم مما يجري تداوله من التنازع بين السنة والشيعة- من خلال التغيير والتزوير؛ بل من خلال ما جرى من تثبيت طرائق بعينها في تصوره والتعامل معه. ومن ذلك مثلاً ما جرى من “تصوره” على النحو الذي جعله أحد الساحات الرئيسة لإنتاج هذه الأطلقة؛ وكان ذلك عبر التعالي به من وجودٍ من أجل الإنسان، إلى وجودٍ سابقٍ عليه، ومن تركيبٍ تبلور في العالم إلى كينونة ذات حضورٍ مكتملٍ سابقٍ في المطلق. ولقد ترافق هذا التحويل، بدوره، مع تحولات مسار السياسة في الإسلام من ممارسة “مفتوحة” إلى ممارسة “مغلقة”؛ وبكيفية تحول معها من القرآن الذي كان مركزه وقطبه هو “الإنسان”، إلى القرآن الذي استعمره، واحتكره “السلطان”. إذ يجب تذكُّر أن التحول في مسار السياسة من “خلافة الشورى” (مع أبي بكر) إلى “المُلّك العضود” (مع معاوية) قد تلازم مع الانتقال من القرآن الذي “لا ينطق بلسان، وإنما ينطق عنه الإنسان”- بحسب قول الإمام “عليّ بن أبي طالب” الذي لا يعني إلا أن الإنسان يدخل في تركيب القرآن- إلى القرآن أمسك به السلطان، وراح يتصوره ناطقاً بدلالة مطلقة، مُقرناً له بالسيف، ليحسم به معركة السياسة.

(alimabrouk.blogspot.com)

(alimabrouk.blogspot.com)

والحق أن نظرة على الطريقة التي جرى التعامل بها مع لغة القرآن، لتكشف عن التحولات في مسار الصراع السياسي. فإذ يورد السجستاني، في كتاب المصاحف، أنه “لما أراد عمر أن يكتب (المصحف) الإمام أقعد له نفراً من أصحابه، وقال: إذا اختلفتم في اللغة فاكتبوها بلغة مضر، فإن القرآن قد نزل على رجلٍ من مضر”، فإن الأمر قد اختلف مع عثمان الذي يُروى عنه أنه قال: “إذا اختلفتم في عربية من عربية القرآن، فاكتبوها بلغة قريش، فإن القرآن أُنزل بلسانهم”. وللغرابة، فإن هذا التحول من “لغة مضر” إلى “لغة قريش” قد ترافق مع ما كان يتنامى في ساحة السياسة- وعبر عن نفسه صريحاً مع عثمان- من اعتبارها (أي السياسة) شأناً قرشياً خالصاً، بعد أن كانت قبله ساحة مفتوحة يشاركها فيها غيرها. ولعل دليلاً على هذا التحول- في السياسة- يأتي مما أورده الطبري، في تاريخه، عن المنازعة التي جرت وقائعها حين اجتمع “عبد الرحمن بن عوف” إلى من “حضره من المهاجرين وذوي الفضل والسابقة من الأنصار، وأمراء الأجناد” ليختاروا الخليفة من أهل الشورى الذين عينهم “عمر” قبل موته. فقد “قال له عمار (بن ياسر): إن أردت ألا يختلف المسلمون، فبايع عليَّاً، فقال المقداد: صدق عمار؛ إن بايعت عليَّاً قلنا: سمعنا وأطعنا. وقال (عبد الله) بن أبي سرح: إن أردت ألا تختلف قريشاً، فبايع عثمان، فقال عبد الله بن أبي ربيعة: صدق؛ إن بايعت عثمان قلنا: سمعنا وأطعنا. فشتم عمار بن أبي سرح، وقال: متى كنت تنصح المسلمين؟….فقال رجلٌ من بني مخزوم: لقد عدوت طورك يا بن سمية (يعني عمار)، وما أنت وتأمير قريش لأنفسها”. ولعل كون الرجلين المتنازع عليهما (عليّ وعثمان) من قريش، هو ما يجعل القصد من عبارة الرجل المخزومي لابد أن يتجاوز ما يمكن فهمه منها من وجوب “قرشية” من في الحكم، إلى أن الأمر يتعلق باستبعاد كل من سوى القرشيين من حق المشاركة في تعيين الحاكم ونصبه؛ وبحيث تصبح السياسة احتكاراً قرشياً خالصاً لا شأن لغيرهم به.

إن ذلك يعني، وبلا أدنى مواربة، جواز القول بأن الانتقال من “لغة المسلمين”، على تعدد قبائلهم، إلى “لغة قريش” وحدها، إنما يعكس تحولاً كان يجري في مسار السياسة من كونها شأناً عاماً يخص “المسلمين” جميعاً، إلى كونها شأناً يخص “قريش” وحدها؛ أو يخص- حتى- مجرد بيتٍ من بيوتها بحسب ما سيجري لا حقاً، مع بني أمية وبني العباس. لكنه، وبالرغم من هذا التضييق النازل من “لغة القبائل” إلى “لغة قريش”، فإنه يبقى أنها تظل- في الحالين- من قبيل اللغة ذات الأصل الإنساني؛ وهو الأمر الذي سرعان ما سيختفي تماماً مع اعتبار لغة القرآن هي ألفاظ و”كلام الله”، بدل أن تكون هي لغة الإنسان. وبالطبع فإن هذا التحول من “لغة الإنسان” إلى “كلام الله”، إنما يعني بلوغ صيرورة “الأطلقة”- التي كانت تعني تسييد المطلق “إلهاً” في المجرد، و”حاكماً” في المتعيِّن- إلى تمام الذروة والاكتمال. وهكذا، فإن ما يفسر ما حصل من التعالي بالقرآن (لغة وتاريخاً وماهيةً) من الأرض إلى السماء، هو ما جرى من صعود المسلمين (سنة وشيعة) بخلافات السياسة من الأرض إلى السماء. والغريب، هنا، أن أهل السنة كانوا- وليس الشيعة- هم الذين بدأوا التعالي بالسياسة من الأرض إلى السماء؛ وكان ذلك تحديداً حين رفض عثمان بن عفان ترك السلطة، نزولاً على طلب الثائرين عليه، محتجاً بالقول: “كيف أخلع قميصاً ألبسنيه الله”؛ فكان تقريباً أول من بدأ التعالي بأصل سلطته إلى السماء.وبالطبع فإن ما سيمضي إليه الشيعة، لاحقاً، من اعتبار تعيين الإمام ونصبه هو أمرٌ من اختصاص السماء، لن يكون إلا محض ترجيع لهذا التقليد الذي دشنه الخليفة الثالث؛ عثمان.

ولعل ما يدعم هذا التوازي بين التعالي بالقرآن والتعالي بالسياسة، هو ما يبدو من أن التعالي بالقرآن كان قد ترافق مع سعي البعض، من الحكام المتأخرين على حقبة الخلافة بالذات، إلى التعالي بسلطتهم إلى مقامٍ ينفلتون فيه من أي حسابٍ أو مساءلة. وهنا، فإنه لم يكن ثمة ما هو أنسب من أن يخفي “الحاكم” نفسه وراء “القرآن”؛ الذي كان لابد- لذلك- من رفعه إلى السماء؛ لكي يكتسب، بدوره، (أعني الحاكم) رفعة الكائن السماوي. ولعل هذه العملية من التقنُّع بالقرآن، هي التي ستقف وراء تبلور المأثور القائل: “إن الله يزع بالسلطان ما لا يزع بالقرآن”. فإذ تكشف مفردات “الوازع” و”السلطان” المستخدمة في المأثور عن تبلوره المتأخر، في حقبة شاع فيها استخدام تلك المفردات (لعلها الحقبة السلطانية)، فإن في ذلك ما يسند دعوى أن “أطلقة” القرآن كانت قناعاً يُراد منه التستر على “أطلقة” السلطان. فإذ المأثور لا يستحضر من السلطان، إلا أنه أداة الله في الحكم- الذي هو الوازع- فيما لم يَرِدُ فيه حكم القرآن، فإن في ذلك ما يقطع بأن الأمر يتعلق ببناء السلطة، على النحو الذي تكون فيه متعالية ومطلقة؛ وأعني من حيث أن حكمه يكون- والحال كذلك- هو حكم الله. لكنه يبقى وجوب التأكيد على حقيقة أنه إذا كان السلطان قد كسب، بهذا التعالي، إطلاق سلطته، فإن ما ألحقه هذا التعالي بالقرآن من الضرر كان كبيراً؛ وذلك من حيث ما تآدى إليه من إطفاء أنواره، وإهدار خصوبته، بسبب ما فرضه عليه من إسكات صوته، وتجميد دلالته….ومن هنا وجوب السعي إلى تحرير “القرآن” من قبضة “السلطان”.

* Ali Mabrouk is Professor of Islamic Philosophy at the University of Cairo, Egypt. This blog post was first published in Al-Ahram, April, 18, 2013. To read more of Ali Mabrouk’s work,visit the following links [1] [2].

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